The dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War led Türkiye to become an important player on the international stage and shaped its foreign policy preferences. During this period, the independence of Central Asia and the South Caucasus strengthened Türkiye's vision of being a champion of democracy, economic liberalism and moderate Islam. Despite its NATO membership and historical ties with the West, Turkish diplomacy has been orientated towards strengthening its political and economic relations with Eurasian countries over the last 20 years. This has led to Türkiye's foreign policy strategies becoming more diverse and flexible. Türkiye maintains its presence as an important actor in the international arena, aiming to maintain its regional leadership role. In this context, Türkiye's dynamism in its international relations is taken into account at both regional and global levels.
This study, edited by Emre Erşen and Seçkin Köstem, closely examines the changes in Türkiye's international relations scene. The authors consider Eurasia, which covers a vast geography, as a reflection of the upcoming multipolar world order. The authors aim to analyse the reasons behind Türkiye's recent turn towards Eurasia. They also discuss whether Eurasianism can be seen as a plausible option for Turkish foreign policy. The book consists of 11 chapters in total and is written with contributions from local and foreign authors.
The first section of the book begins with Tarık Oğuzlu's work "Türkiye and the West: Geopolitical Shifts in the AK Party Era" Oğuzlu emphasizes the importance of the Gezi Park protests in 2013 and the failed coup attempt in July 2016 as key moments shaping Türkiye's relations with the US. He posits that Türkiye's growing interest in Eurasia stems from its disappointment with its Western allies in the aftermath of July 2016.
The second part of the book contains the work of Emre Erşen entitled "The Return of Eurasianism in Türkiye: Relations with Russia and Beyond". Erşen assesses the main internal and external factors behind the rise of Eurasianism in Turkish military, political and intellectual circles. He also provides an overview of the development of Eurasian ideas in Türkiye in the post-Cold War period. This study offers a deep insight into our understanding of Türkiye's relations with Russia and the perspective of Eurasianism beyond.
The article by Pavel K. Baev entitled "Türkiye's Ambiguous Strategic Rapprochement with Russia" is part of the third chapter of the book. The chapter examines the complex dynamics of strategic relations between Türkiye and Russia, focusing in particular on the impact of the Syrian war on their cooperation in the peace process. The article highlights the profound differences between Turkish and Russian objectives. Despite Moscow's efforts to exploit opportunities to weaken transatlantic solidarity due to Türkiye's NATO membership, the chapter concludes that the fundamental reality of the strategic rivalry between the two countries remains unchanged.
One of the book's most intriguing sections delves into Çağdaş Üngör's study, "Heading towards the East? Sino-Turkish relations after the July 15 coup attempt." Analyzing the shifts in China-Türkiye relations post the July 15 coup attempt, the study investigates whether Turkish foreign policy exhibits a Eurasianist inclination. Üngör contends that Türkiye's leaning towards Eurasia, particularly in fostering closer ties with China, is more a response to the heightened anti-Western sentiment within Türkiye rather than a strategically calculated pro-China stance. Also, Üngör underscores the significance of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), commonly referred to as the New Silk Road. He highlights that Türkiye reaps substantial benefits from Chinese credit, particularly through its involvement in the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) initiative. Over the past few years, Türkiye's economic ties with Eurasian nations have gained increased importance, emphasizing a notable shift in the geopolitical and economic landscape.
In the fifth chapter of the book, the article titled "Türkiye's Economic Expectations from a Rising China" written by Altay Atlı states that Türkiye's relations with China have developed moderately, although they lag behind the rapprochement with Russia. Considering Ankara's interest in China's Belt and Road project, it is emphasized that current relations do not yet seem to have reached the level of a strategic partnership.
In the sixth chapter of the book, the article entitled "Türkiye and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization", written by Nicola P. Contessi, examines Türkiye's motives for better understanding its relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The article offers various explanations based on different theories of international relations. It emphasizes that Türkiye sees it as a natural step to strengthen cooperation with the SCO with the aim of becoming a bridge between East and West when EU membership is no longer possible.
In another section of the book, Seçkin Köstem explores Türkiye’s renewed focus on the Caucasus and Central Asia in the article titled "Geopolitics, Identity, and Beyond." The article begins by examining emerging geopolitical trends in Eurasia and delves into Ankara's perceptions of these developments. It provides an analysis of Türkiye’s efforts to formalize its connections with nations in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The chapter further explores Türkiye's economic engagements in the region, which, despite being relatively limited compared to its activities elsewhere, hold strategic importance. Lastly, the article scrutinizes Türkiye’s bilateral relations with Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan, recognizing them as pivotal elements in Turkish foreign policy concerning the region.
In another section of the book, there is Pınar İpek's work titled "Türkiye's energy security in Eurasia: trade-offs or cognitive biases?". İpek underscores the pivotal role of energy security in Turkish foreign policy, using the jet crisis as a key illustration. She contends that Türkiye's increasing demand for natural gas serves as a significant catalyst for its shift towards Eurasia.
In another section of the book, Gülriz Şen, in her contribution titled "Alienation and Realignment Dynamics in Türkiye-Iran Relations in the 2000s," delves into the intricate dynamics of estrangement and realignment between Türkiye and Iran. The article explores the influence of the U.S. in shaping the complex interplay of cooperation and competition between the two countries throughout the 2000s. It traces the evolution of bilateral relations from alignment in the early 2000s to a period of estrangement between 2012 and 2016, eventually leading to a realignment since mid-2016. The chapter argues that the increasing estrangement during the Arab Uprisings primarily stemmed from the divergent positions of Türkiye and Iran as emerging regional powers, particularly during a time when the U.S. exhibited relative absence or reluctance to engage actively in the Middle East.
In a different section of the book, Harsv V. Pant and Ketan Mehta, in their contribution titled "Türkiye and India: A Relationship in Progress," scrutinize the evolving dimensions of Türkiye’s interactions with India. The article highlights the compelling factors prompting this shift within Türkiye's foreign policy and asserts that the altered geopolitical landscape in the Middle East and South Asia demands a fresh approach from both Ankara and New Delhi in their bilateral relations.
In last section of the book, Mustafa Kutlay contributes an article titled "Politics of New Developmentalism: Türkiye, BRICS, and Beyond," investigating how developing countries, specifically Türkiye and BRICS, respond to and are influenced by the evolving international order. As global dynamics undergo profound shifts, challenging the established norms of the liberal order, this chapter introduces a push-and-pull framework to understand the changing state–market relations in developing economies within this transforming global landscape. The argument asserts that the internal crises of the neoliberal economic paradigm act as the "push" dynamics for countries on the periphery of global capitalism. Furthermore, it suggests that the "pull" dynamics shape economic paradigms and political regimes in developing nations. With a focus on BRICS-Türkiye interactions, the chapter examines to explore the functioning of push and pull dynamics on the international stage.
The book emphasises that Ankara's deepening economic and political ties with major players such as Moscow, Beijing and Tehran have been shaped primarily as a result of the weakening of American hegemony. In the late 20th century, Türkiye, which had solid relations with the West, is now looking for ways to diversify its foreign policy away from the United States and the European Union. This change is particularly centred on Syria, but also manifests itself in other dimensions, such as Türkiye's rapprochement with Russia. Türkiye's assumption of new roles in the international arena and the development of various diplomatic relations, reshaping the dynamics in international politics are also covered. The book aims to analyse and discuss the various dimensions of Türkiye's relations and strategic rapprochement with Eurasia in the 21st century.
Türkiye's Pivot to Eurasia: Geopolitics and Foreign Policy in a Changing World Order" analyses Türkiye's foreign policy changes in recent years. The book analyses how changes at the international level are accompanied by intellectual transformations. In particular, it draws attention to the rise of Eurasianism in Türkiye, popularised by the Russian intellectual Alexander Dugin.
The book also focuses on the details of a number of popular ideological movements such as Pan-Turkism, Neo-Ottomanism and Eurasianism. The book explains the concept of Eurasianism using the term "Turkish Eurasianism". As the author emphasises, Eurasianism not only refers to the post-Soviet region, but also includes and seeks to strengthen Türkiye's relations with other Eurasian actors such as China, India and Iran.
Another notable feature of this volume is its ability to bring together both concrete and intellectual variables throughout the chapters. In concrete terms, Türkiye's desire for deeper Eurasian co-operation was born out of the security and economic challenges facing the country. In this context, it is clear that security concerns are the main determinant of Türkiye's relations with Russia, whereas economic concerns dominate its relations with China.
The book presents a general consensus that Turkish foreign policy is increasingly focussed towards Eurasia in the context of the evolution of the global order. However, some authors, such as Köstem and Baev, argue that sustaining this trend in the long term may face various challenges.
The chapters of the book use a rich combination of different primary and secondary sources, often ranging from news reports to expert opinions and statistics. These sources are analysed throughout the book, mostly through qualitative research methods, but also through quantitative data analysis in some chapters. This shows that the content of the book is a well-rounded and balanced source of information.
This study makes an important academic contribution by addressing the Eurasian orientation of Turkish foreign policy. It not only discusses the concept of Eurasianism from a Turkish perspective, but also analyses Türkiye's evolving relations with Eurasian countries over the last decade. Türkiye's new orientation is the result of a complex interaction of internal and external factors. However, it remains unclear whether this turn is underpinned by a long-term strategic vision. The sustainability of this turn and Türkiye's possible asymmetric dependencies are also open to debate. This comprehensive study analyses the current trends in Turkish foreign policy.
Semanur Öncü is an intern at the Eurasia Center