The most important changes after the referendum are:
The constitutional amendments were initiated by Mirziyoyev last summer. Among the amendments proposed at the time was the abolition of the right to secede from the Central Asian nation of the Karakalpakstan Autonomous Republic. However, Mirziyoyev rejected the idea of changing the status of Karakalpakstan after thousands of Karakalpaks protested early last July that Karakalpakstan’s long-standing right to independence from Uzbekistan had been removed from the constitution.
The referendum was interpreted by many as a consolidation and expansion of Mirziyoyev’s power, allowing him to remain at the head of the country until 2040. Regardless of this, Mirziyoyev was praised by many for making his country an open economy, improving relations with the West and limiting the power of the security services, whose dominance in recent decades had turned the country of 35 million people into a police state. At the same time, however, he was criticized for the lack of real competition and opposition in the last elections and for not fully implementing the reforms he initiated.
It is important to note that the referendum also served to present Uzbekistan’s strategic direction for further reforms of society and the state, which had a positive impact on Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, especially in the Central Asian region. Despite the criticism, it is clear that Uzbekistan is eager to improve relations with its neighbours, resolve border disputes, strengthen regional cooperation, and promote stability and security.
The recent referendum on April 30 was the third referendum in the history of independent Uzbekistan. Although it is unlikely that Tashkent’s Western allies will approve the expansion of presidential powers, the risk to Uzbekistan is minimal, given the West’s interest in gaining support from former Soviet states to isolate Russia amid the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.
On June 9, Mirziyoyev was reelected with 87.1% of the vote. More than 15 million voters participated in the elections.
The author is a researcher at the Eurasia Center