On May 14, 2023, Thailand held elections for the National Assembly, in which opposition parties won a decisive victory over the ruling party, which was also supported by the military.
The result basically meant that the opposition could form a government again since 2014, but the conservative elite tried to prevent this, and it was not until September that the Srettha Thavisin cabinet, formed by a coalition of 6 parties (not all opposition), was finally formed and sanctioned by the ruler.
The current situation is by no means unique, as the country's history in the 20th and 21st centuries has seen a succession of military dictatorships and democratic periods in which the military seized power on several occasions, sidelining civilian forces. Although Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932, meaning that the king no longer holds actual power, he has maintained his role as a unifying and mediating force, allowing for a smoother transition between dictatorship and democracy. But beyond the political ambitions and abilities of individual rulers, what explains the more active political role of Thai kings, which is unique in the Southeast Asian region?
Thailand was the only country in Southeast Asia that did not come under the rule of European colonial powers in the 19th and 20th centuries, which meant that, unlike other states in the region, the Thai monarchy was not discredited but retained its role as a political unifier in addition to its leading role in Buddhism. The abolition of the absolute monarchy was an internal process to which Kings Mongkut (1851-1868) and Chulalongkorn (1868-1910) had already contributed through the reforms they initiated. Prajadhipok (1925-1935) was the only ruler of the Chakri dynasty to abdicate and leave the country to ease political tensions. Bhumibol Adulyadej (1946-2016) was the world's longest-reigning monarch when he died in October 2016 at the age of 88.
Since the 1950s, relations between the throne and military dictatorships became closer, although the king insisted that the monarchy remain impartial and seek peaceful cooperation with all. Since the 1970s, however, he has repeatedly spoken out against dictatorship and supported democratisation. Vajiralongkorn, who came to power in 2016, appears to be following a similar trend. The king has established a harmonious relationship with the military since his coronation, but the current election results and social discontent will likely lead him to side with the reformers.
The author is a senior researcher at the Eurasia Center